To thousands of fans, the wait is over. The sequel to the highly acclaimed The Mystery of the Angels, this epic volume continues one of history’s greatest fictional journeys. This is the second in what hopes to play out as an extraordinary series of novels by Joseph Murphy. A riveting tale of suspense and illusion, the provocative story line centers on four United States Marines who return to Ireland, in the year 2006, searching for a mysterious mist corridor to take them back in time. Convinced that parallel universes exist, they encounter more than they had bargained for. They find themselves in the year 1920, in the middle of the Irish Revolution, assisting Michael Collins in his war to free Ireland from the hated British occupiers. Before they’re done, they will undergo a test of individual personal mettle with results that will surprise even the most hardened of them. This novel is filled with crackling realism, love and adventure, and that special flair for intricate plotting that readers enjoy when the Marines, being Marines, from the year 2006 fall in love with beautiful Irish maidens, from the year 1920. With unfailing honesty, the author puts the reader inside the hearts and minds of the men who fought, for Irish freedom, and loved up close in a time gone by. The book offers a glimpse of what may have occurred at one of the most critical moments of the Irish rebellion, Bloody Sunday in 1920, and attempts to settle one of the most intriguing mysteries to date: how a few thousand Irish rebels brought the British Lion to his feet and beat a numerically superior army almost twenty times its size! The novel is a powerful love story that extends beyond two eras, and contains a labyrinth of twists and turns that culminates in a final stunning ending.

To thousands of fans, the wait is over. The sequel to the highly acclaimed The Mystery of the Angels, this epic volume continues one of history’s greatest fictional journeys. This is the second in what hopes to play out as an extraordinary series of novels by Joseph Murphy. A riveting tale of suspense and illusion, the provocative story line centers on four United States Marines who return to Ireland, in the year 2006, searching for a mysterious mist corridor to take them back in time. Convinced that parallel universes exist, they encounter more than they had bargained for. They find themselves in the year 1920, in the middle of the Irish Revolution, assisting Michael Collins in his war to free Ireland from the hated British occupiers. Before they’re done, they will undergo a test of individual personal mettle with results that will surprise even the most hardened of them. This novel is filled with crackling realism, love and adventure, and that special flair for intricate plotting that readers enjoy when the Marines, being Marines, from the year 2006 fall in love with beautiful Irish maidens, from the year 1920. With unfailing honesty, the author puts the reader inside the hearts and minds of the men who fought, for Irish freedom, and loved up close in a time gone by. The book offers a glimpse of what may have occurred at one of the most critical moments of the Irish rebellion, Bloody Sunday in 1920, and attempts to settle one of the most intriguing mysteries to date: how a few thousand Irish rebels brought the British Lion to his feet and beat a numerically superior army almost twenty times its size! The novel is a powerful love story that extends beyond two eras, and contains a labyrinth of twists and turns that culminates in a final stunning ending.

To thousands of fans, the wait is over. The sequel to the highly acclaimed The Mystery of the Angels, this epic volume continues one of history’s greatest fictional journeys. This is the second in what hopes to play out as an extraordinary series of novels by Joseph Murphy. A riveting tale of suspense and illusion, the provocative story line centers on four United States Marines who return to Ireland, in the year 2006, searching for a mysterious mist corridor to take them back in time. Convinced that parallel universes exist, they encounter more than they had bargained for. They find themselves in the year 1920, in the middle of the Irish Revolution, assisting Michael Collins in his war to free Ireland from the hated British occupiers. Before they’re done, they will undergo a test of individual personal mettle with results that will surprise even the most hardened of them. This novel is filled with crackling realism, love and adventure, and that special flair for intricate plotting that readers enjoy when the Marines, being Marines, from the year 2006 fall in love with beautiful Irish maidens, from the year 1920. With unfailing honesty, the author puts the reader inside the hearts and minds of the men who fought, for Irish freedom, and loved up close in a time gone by. The book offers a glimpse of what may have occurred at one of the most critical moments of the Irish rebellion, Bloody Sunday in 1920, and attempts to settle one of the most intriguing mysteries to date: how a few thousand Irish rebels brought the British Lion to his feet and beat a numerically superior army almost twenty times its size! The novel is a powerful love story that extends beyond two eras, and contains a labyrinth of twists and turns that culminates in a final stunning ending.

[Book Summary] Emigration seemed the only path to the future in 1962 when Marita O’Connell left Ireland for America with two bulging suitcases and $10 to finance her new life. Based on childhood diaries, Galloping Green: From Dear Distant Damp Dublin tells her engaging and humorous story of growing up with a mother whose family were British Protestants, and an Irish Catholic father with colorful republican ancestry. The second half shows Marita searching for a better life in America and recounts how her invincible spirit helped her to overcome numerous hurdles in her quest. Through example, Galloping Green shows readers that no matter what life presents, there is always another path “where the air will smell fresh and the sun will warm your face.”

[Book Summary] Emigration seemed the only path to the future in 1962 when Marita O’Connell left Ireland for America with two bulging suitcases and $10 to finance her new life. Based on childhood diaries, Galloping Green: From Dear Distant Damp Dublin tells her engaging and humorous story of growing up with a mother whose family were British Protestants, and an Irish Catholic father with colorful republican ancestry. The second half shows Marita searching for a better life in America and recounts how her invincible spirit helped her to overcome numerous hurdles in her quest. Through example, Galloping Green shows readers that no matter what life presents, there is always another path “where the air will smell fresh and the sun will warm your face.”

Irish Gangs and Stick-Fighting In The Works of William Carleton, is a collection of stories about Irish stick-fighters, written in the 19th century, by the Irish author William Carleton. Carleton was an Irish stick-fighter himself, and this is the first time that all of his tales about stick-fighting have been collected in a single volume. The stories provide many details about Irish methods of fighting in the 19th century, and great insights into the fighting culture and code - what I call the “Shillelagh Law” - which guided the lives of Irish fighting men, throughout the 18th and 19th centuries. Four hundred endnotes, meticulously researched, explain the 19th century Irish, and Hiberno-English terms, used by Carleton throughout the text.

Carleton himself, was an Irish-speaking stick-fighter, who trained and fought as a stick-fighter for much of his early life. That his neighbors, friends and family members continued to do so long after his move to Dublin is evident in The Party Fight and Funeral. Carleton never wrote from a distance, but always from autobiographical material, especially in his earliest short stories like the ones in this volume, and this is further confirmation of the historical accuracy and authenticity of the Irish stick-fighting traditions documented in his works.

"The Battle Of The Factions" tells the story of two feuding Irish clans, the O´Callaghans and the O´Hallaghans, as told by a member of the O’Callaghan family; it has a Romeo and Juliet sub-plot. Neal Malone, the tailor of the O´Callaghan faction in The Battle Of The Factions, is the main character in the comedic, "Neal Malone", the story of a diminutive and heroic fighting tailor. Neal - who wants nothing more than to fight and prove his mettle - is forced to solve the conundrum of getting himself involved in a fight when he is so well liked, even by his enemies, that he cannot find anyone who will fight him. In "The Party Fight And Funeral", a man returns to the village of his youth, only to find that one of his childhood friends has been killed in one of the huge Party Fights which were common in early 19th century Ireland. This sets the stage for numerous anecdotes - some amusing, most incredibly tragic. "The Dead Boxer" is actually a novella set in the 18th century, which involves an Irish stick-fighter and pugilist with a powerful punch, his girlfriend, (who is a member of an enemy Faction - another Romeo and Juliet sub-plot), and a pugilist with a deadly knock-out punch, who seems to make a living extorting money out of the burghers of various towns in Ireland.

All of the tales contained some footnotes explaining Irish words and Hiberno-Irish expressions. I have expanded on this wherever possible, creating in my endnotes, a glossary of Irish terms from the 19th century.

Irish Gangs and Stick-Fighting In The Works of William Carleton, is part of a series of books on Irish stick-fighting and other Irish fighting styles which I hope to publish. Given the currently growing interest in Irish martial arts (reflected in such projects as Martin Scorcese´s flim Gangs of New York), I think it fitting that the works of William Carleton - as authentic and genuine an authority on 19th century Irish stick-fighting as we may ever find - should start this series. (For more information on Irish martial arts and stick-fighting go to JohnWHurley.com)

Irish society and economy is studied objectively in this book as if it were a society in a distant region or in the distant past. The distortions of nationalist anti-British propaganda are removed. In particular the failure of the various separatist movements to devise an ideology which could unite and rally all the people of Ireland behind them is described. Ireland is analysed as a sociologist analyses societies and using the materials that a sociologist uses. Irish society is placed in the context of its time and place. It was one of the societies on either side of the North Atlantic Ocean. These countries were all to a greater or lesser degree developing their industries, improving their roads, building their railways, extending their trade, enlarging their towns and cities, deepening and expanding their ports, and modernising their institutions. Though religion was strong in all of them, new currents of thought, often derived from the American and French Revolutions, were being spread everywhere. It was largely an English-speaking society and its institutions were those of common law countries. As this study shows Ireland was a typical member of this group of nations. It was not the most advanced, but it was far from being the most backward. Some of the Nordic countries for example, were only beginning to follow Ireland’s path of development. There is no evidence that membership of the United Kingdom hindered or retarded this development. The Irish however being closely linked to England always compared their progress with that of England which was a mistake. The 19th century was England’s century, as the 15th century was Italy’s. What caused the ‘Industrial Revolution’ where handcrafts gave way to the production by machinery to occur earlier in England than elsewhere is a subject that fascinates historians. How England came to possess the largest empire in modern times is another fascinating question. Why English institutions, a free press, a parliamentary democracy, religious tolerance, methods of education, and most modern sports came to be imitated is another one. The fact was that in the 19th century great parts of the world looked to Britain to see how they could modernise their societies and improve their economies. Ireland did likewise, and from an earlier date but never so successfully. Why Ireland was not as successful as Britain is not easily explained. Lack of coal and iron is not the explanation for some of Ireland’s leading industries like linen, shipbuilding, rope-making and tobacco manufacture were developed from imported materials. Likewise in England, industries which depended largely on craftsmanship like the pottery industry flourished. Nor was Ireland’s backwardness relative to England caused by oppressive law or restrictions for within the United Kingdom all operated under the same rules. Nor can the Catholic religion of Ireland be adduced as a cause, for most Irish businessmen were Protestants. It is not the purpose of this book to ask or settle these questions, but the simpler one of describing the facts of Irish society as it was, and to remove the distortions of propaganda. When one studies the actual facts it becomes clear that not only was Ireland neither oppressed nor backward but was actually one of the most advanced countries in the world at the time as progress was understood in the 19th century. Ireland by 1850 was already a well-developed modern society, more advanced than most countries in Europe. The period up to 1920 was one of increasing prosperity, and increasing social improvement. Every new development in the various aspects of society, industry, agriculture, communications, science and education, social improvements were all adopted. In this book I concentrate on the achievements that Irishmen can be proud of. One can look at Irish industrial achievements. Belfast showed how ships on the North Atlantic run should be built and fitted out. The greatest linen industry in the world was built up. Two of the greatest developments in the modern world, the pneumatic tyre, and the three-point linkage for farm machinery were invented by Ulstermen. The theatre in Ireland had been mediocre and derivative, but was developed into one of the great theatres of the world. Several Irishmen won the Nobel Prize for literature. Aspects of Irish life like the armed forces which were neglected in earlier works are given their proper place. The Irish contribution towards the allied effort in the First World War was remarkable, but until recently it was brushed aside. In some areas Irishmen did not do as well as might have been expected. Agriculture was being steadily developed, but Ireland was falling behind countries like Denmark and the United States. In the Co-operative Movement Ireland was one of the world leaders, and its organ, The Irish Homestead, was widely read and studied abroad. There are two main themes in this period of Irish history. The first is the growth of Ireland into a modern industrial society. The other is the struggle of the Catholic middle classes to wrest control of Ireland, specifically the corruption and racketeering, from the Protestants. The propaganda picture of an impoverished and down-trodden Catholic peasantry crushed by an alien state is shown to be false. There was no genuine foreign oppressor and consequently no struggle for freedom from oppression. But for those Catholics who wished to seize political power and control of the rackets from the Protestants it was necessary to present a totally false picture to the world, and especially to their American backers. Adolf Hitler had an identical false propaganda against Jews, Negroes, and foreigners. At the same time the rosy-tinted picture of brave disinterested young men going out to fight for Ireland’s freedom from a foreign oppressor is shown to be equally false. Neither their objectives, namely to control the rackets, nor their methods namely terrorism are things that Irish people can be proud of. Nor is the undiscriminating support given by Americans to the terrorists anything that America can be proud of either. After Nine-Eleven Americans now recognise terror campaigns for what they are. Ireland did well out of its association with Britain in the United Kingdom. Separatists claimed that it would do better in many ways as a separate kingdom or republic. But they never succeeded in finding or devising an idea, an ideology, or a totem behind which the whole of Ireland could unite. Norway at the same time found such a distinctive idea of what it was to be Norse that the vast bulk of the people adopted it and demanded separation from Sweden. Many separatists argued that there were many features in Ireland which could unite Protestants and Catholics in the whole island. But ultimately the view that the Protestants were the enemy or associated with the enemy triumphed. This had as an inevitable conclusion that they would have to be compelled by force of arms directed against them to join a separate Irish state. Protestants realised that their role in an independent Ireland was to be fleeced, and their religion subordinated to the interests of the Church of Rome. There is another reason for studying the social institutions of Ireland. Ireland was a Common Law country like England. So too were Scotland, the United States, and the great Dominions in the British Commonwealth. Their institutions had a common origin in England, but all developed differently. Ireland was the one which most resembled England, but over the centuries differences had crept in. Laws enacted in England did not apply to Ireland so the Irish Parliament, when it existed, periodically up-dated its own legislation and selected what was most suitable for Ireland from British enactments. It proved necessary, after the Parliaments were united to continue to pass separate legislation for Ireland. One therefore, when studying Irish history, should not assume that the institutions were the exact same as those in England. For example, in England the governing body in a county was the bench of magistrates while in Ireland it was the grand jury, and in the United States directly elected commissioners. The executive officer was the sheriff, whose role was similar to that of sheriffs in Scotland and the United States but in England his role was much reduced. In the United States the principal county officers were also directly elected. This book had its origin when the author was glancing through an English translation of Adolf Hitler’s book Mein Kampf. He was so struck by Hitler’s account of German history before, during, and after the First World War that he went and bought the book. What amazed him was its resemblance to the version of Irish history that he had been taught in Irish schools. There was no question of either side borrowing directly from the other, but equally obviously both were drawing on a common set of ideas and used a common method of exposition.

The companion volume to this one is now almost ready. This book deals with the social and economic aspects of Ireland in the pre-Famine period. The second volume (Ireland 1800-1850}deals with the political history of the same period. This book, Pre-Famine Ireland, grew out of a project I undertook, after completing my doctoral thesis, to read a copy of one or more Irish newspapers for every day between 1800 and 1850. This not only gave me contemporary perspectives on the period but also provided a wealth of information not otherwise readily available. Information, for example, on the courts, on the duties and responsibilities of officers, like mayors and sheriffs, how they were appointed, to whom they were responsible, and who was responsible for seeing they conducted themselves well; who conducted schools, what was taught in them, who managed schools for girls; long-forgotten religious disputes, and so on.

It had been my intention to write a single volume on the history of the period, but the vast quantity of data I collected on social and economic conditions compelled me to gather it into a separate volume. The subject is so vast that in the course of a single volume only the barest outline of each topic can be given. There is no room for recounting different interpretations among scholars that belong more appropriately to more specialist publications. My aim is to provide a hand-book for the general reader or general student of Irish history, but also one into which the specialist may dip concerning matters not of their speciality.

The period 1800 to 1850 in Irish history has not been particularly frequently or well researched. Distortions too were caused by the political objectives of the various writers. Facts were selected, omitted, or twisted to suit political objectives. Catholic or nationalist writers wrote with their own religious and political objectives in mind, and Protestants or loyalists likewise.

Historians concentrated on the political struggles and conflicts, omitting investigation of other aspects of society, particularly the social and economic conditions and practices of the time. Some of these have long since vanished. Others are still with us but very much altered. Local government for example was drastically altered in the second half of the century. Some people too know institutions and customs only in their British or American forms. Nowadays, for the most part, historians take a much more objective approach, and the study of social and economic history has been developed.

Social and economic institutions were well developed in Ireland in the early nineteenth century. It was not a primitive country, or yet one where a native population was ground down by colonial oppressors. The people, Catholics and Protestants, regarded themselves as living in a free and democratic country. There might be more freedom and democracy in America, but they considered that what they had was more suitable for their country, and congratulated themselves on having escaped the excesses of the French Revolution. Very few after 1800 looked for a republic. There was a free press and letters to the editor were particularly illuminating.

There were great political struggles between Catholics and Protestants, but these were very similar to those between Republicans and Democrats in the United States later in the century, violence and all. Catholics in the nationalist party in Ireland and Catholics in Tammany Hall in the United States came from the same families. It was not an anti-colonial war.

There were troubles and disturbances without doubt. Society was very unequal, and many rewards went to those already rich. But there was equality before the law and equality in business. Attempts were always made to remedy real grievances and numerous commissions of enquiry were appointed. Reliance was normally placed on the ordinary processes of the law. Extraordinary measures to deal with outbreaks of violence were limited as far as possible in their scope and their duration.

 For the most part too, the people were forward looking, and could see that many things could be improved. The great economic improvement of the age was the application of steam power to transport on the land and on sea. But education was also improved, and the franchise extended. A comprehensive system of provision for the very poor was provided. Every effort was made to repair defects in religion and the Churches. All the time the population was exploding.

The great event, and great mystery, was the Great Irish Famine. Why did it occur?  Agriculture was prosperous, and exports were booming, great developments in railways and steamships were taking place. The possibility of such a famine caused by crop-failure had been foreseen for many years, and every effort had been made to be ready for it. A nation-wide system of poor relief had just been completed. Corn Laws had been passed to develop Irish agriculture, and were so successful that they were no longer needed. But despite all the steps taken a major disaster occurred.

The best description I can give of this book is to list the Table of Contents.

CONTENTS

PART I

GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS

Introduction

1 Structure and Values of Irish Society

 (i) Social Structure

 (ii) Beliefs and Values

2 Irish History 1800-1850

PART II

THE ECONOMY

3 The Irish Economy

 (i) General Observations

 (ii) Geographical Aspects

 (iii) Levels of Economic Development

 (iv) Agricultural Regions

 (v) Questions of Population

 (vi) History of the Irish Economy

 (vii) Overview of the Economy in 1800

4 Roads and Railways

 (i) The Tertiary Sector

 (ii) Roads and Road Travel

 (iii) Railways and the Electric Telegraph

5 Water Transport

 (i) Investment and Return

 (ii) Shipping

 (iii) Navigational Hazards

 (iv) Ports

 (v) Inland Navigation

 (vi) Steam Navigation

 (vii) Aeronautics

6 Trade

 (i) Internal Trade: Fairs, Markets, and Shops

 (ii) Foreign Trade: Imports, Exports

7 Financial Institutions

 (i) The Currency

 (ii) Banks and Banking

 (iii) Other Financial Institutions

 (iv) Note on Coinage

8 The Primary Sector I

 (i) Cattle

 (ii) Sheep

 (iii) Other Livestock

 (iv) Tillage: Implements

 (v) Tillage: Cultivation of the Soil

 (vi) Tillage: Fertility and Crop Hygiene

 (vii) Tillage: Seeds and Crops

9 The Primary Sector II

 (i) Agricultural Incomes

 (ii) Fisheries

 (iii) The Tenure of Land

 (iv) Estate Management

 (v) The Study and Improvement of Agriculture

 (vi) Bogs and Land Reclamation

 (vii) Crop Failures and Scarcities

10 Secondary Sector I: Factors of Production

 (i) Power and Machinery

 (ii) The Financing of Industry

 (iii) Work and the Labour Force

 (iv) The Guild System

 (v) Combinations and Trade Unions

11 Secondary Sector II: Processing and Manufacturing

 (i) Milling, Brewing and Distilling

 (ii) The Textile Industry: Organisation

 (iii) The Textile Industry: Branches

 (iv) The Provisions Industry

 (v) Mining and Minerals

 (vi) Manufacturing

PART III

GOVERNMENT

12 Local Administrations I

 (i) The Organisation of Irish Society

 (ii) Local Administrations

 (iii) County Officials

 (iv) Meetings of Freeholders and County Assizes

 (v) Selection of Grand and Petty Juries

 (vi) Duties of the Grand Jury

13 Local Administrations II

 (i) Corporate Towns and their ´Policing´

 (ii) Other Administrative Units

 (iv) Provision for the Sick and Poor

14 Crime and Police

 (i) Ordinary Crime

 (ii) Agrarian Crime

 (iii) Illicit Distillation

 (iv) The Dublin Metropolitan Police

 (v) The County Police and Irish Constabulary

 (vi) Gaols and Penology

15 Crown and Parliament

 (i) The Flag

 (ii) The Crown

 (iii) Parliament

 (iv) Elections

 (v) The Franchise

 (vi) Legislation

16 The Irish Government I

 (i) The Structure of the Irish Government

 (ii) The Lord Lieutenant and Irish Secretary

 (iii) The Chief Offices of State

 (iv) The Revenue Boards

 (v) The Post Office

 (vi) Personnel and Recruitment

17 The Irish Government II

 (i) Government Policies

 (ii) Monetary Policy

 (iii) Fiscal Policy and the Budget

 (iv) Extraordinary Legislation

 (v) Statistics, Surveys, and Valuations

 (vi) The Ordnance Survey

18 The Armed Forces

 (i) History of the Armed Forces

 (ii) The Military Offices

 (iii) The Regular Army

 (iv) The Militia and Yeomanry

 (v) The Royal Navy

19 The Courts of Law

 (i) The Law

 (ii) The Royal Courts in Dublin

 (iii) The Ecclesiastical and Admiralty Courts

(iv) County Courts: Courts of Commission and Assize

(v) County Courts: Mayor´s and Sheriff´s Courts

 (vi) The Other Courts

 (vii) The Magistracy

 (viii) Personnel of the Courts

 (ix) Procedures of the Courts

PART IV

RELIGION

20 Religious Divisions

 (i) General Observations

 (ii) Origins and History

 (iii) The Distribution of the Churches

 (iv) Charities and Charitable Bequests

21 The Protestants I

 (i) The Established Church

 (ii) The Revenues of the Established Church

 (iii) The Dissenters

 (iv) The Evangelising Movement or Second Reformation

22 The Protestants II

 (i) The Moderate Protestants

 (ii) The Ascendancy Faction

 (iii) The Orange Order

23  The Catholics

 (i) The Catholic Church

 (ii) The Catholic Laymen

 (iii) Relations between Catholics and Protestants

PART V

PUBLIC AFFAIRS

24 Education I

 (i) General Considerations

 (ii) Educational Theories

 (iii) Primary Education before the National Schools

 (iv) Other Schools Connected with the Churches

 (v) Secondary Schools: Boys

 (vi) Secondary Schools: Girls

 (vii) Technical Schools

 (viii) University Education

25 Education II

 (i) The Kildare Place Society

 (ii) Discussion with the Government 1821-1831

 (iii) The National Board

26 Medicine and Public Health

 (i) Medical Practice and the Medical Profession

 (ii) Public Health

27 The Press

 (i) Irish Newspapers in General

 (ii) The Dublin Newspapers

 (iii) The Provincial Press

 (iv) The Specialist Press

 (v) The Government and the Press

 (vi) The Newsagents

28 Science and Invention

 (i) Science in General

 (ii) Irish Language and Antiquities

 (iii) Scientific and Learned Societies

 (iv) Improving or Practical Societies

29 Leisure Activities

 (i) Literature

 (ii) Books, Libraries, and Reading Rooms

 (iii) The Theatre and Theatricals

 (iv) Architecture, Art, and Music

 (v) Sport and Recreation

30 The Condition of Women and Feminism

 (i) The Condition of Women

 (ii) Women´s R i g h t s < / P > < P > & # 8 2 3 0 ; & # 8 2 3 0 ; & # 8 2 3 0 ; & # 8 2 3 0 ; & # 8 2 3 0 ; & # 8 2 3 0 ; & # 8 2 3 0 ; & # 8 2 3 0 ; & # 8 2 3 0 ; & # 8 2 3 0 ; & # 8 2 3 0 ; & # 8 2 3 0 ; & # 8 2 3 0 ; & # 8 2 3 0 ; & # 8 2 3 0 ; & # 8 2 3 0 ; & # 8 2 3 0 ; & # 8 2 3 0 ; & # 8 2 3 0 ; & # 8 2 3 0 ; & # 8 2 3 0 ; & # 8 2 3 0 ; & # 8 2 3 0 ; & # 8 2 3 0 ; & # 8 2 3 0 ; & # 8 2 3 0 ; & # 8 2 3 0 ; & # 8 2 3 0 ; & # 8 2 3 0 ; & # 8 2 3 0 ; & # 8 2 3 0 ; & # 8 2 3 0 ; & #8230;…………………

Anyone studying or teaching Irish history, or who likely to be involved in discussions on the subject, should first get the facts straight. It is my aim to provide, as far as possible, the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, about one particular period.

This book is a companion to my other book Pre-Famine Ireland: Social Structure. I had accumulated such a vast quantity of material, often from untouched sources, that I was unable to include it in one volume of reasonable size. So it was necessary to order all material of a social and economic character in one volume, and historical narrative in another. But in places, in explaining legislation for example I felt it necessary to give brief accounts of social, political, or economic circumstances.

The period 1800 to 1850 in Irish history has not been particularly frequently or well researched. Distortions too were caused by the political objectives of the various writers. Facts were selected, omitted, or twisted to suit political objectives. Catholic or nationalist writers wrote with their own religious and political objectives in mind, and Protestants or loyalists likewise. To this day the contending factions in Northern Ireland defend their stances by reference to the version of history favoured by their own side. It has often been observed that truth is the first casualty in any conflict, but it is also true that the loss or distortion of truth causes the conflict.

Ireland was not an abnormal country in 1800. It could in many ways be compared with the young United States, and the disparities in their wealth and size of population were nothing like what they were later to become. British influence in Ireland had commenced some centuries before it had in the American colonies, and in each case the influence went far beyond political influence. It spread to language customs and institutions. The Irish Parliament received from Britain relative independence in 1782, and the American colonies absolute independence in 1783.

Ireland, like the United States, had an upper ruling Protestant elite, and a lower class largely excluded from positions of power. The big difference was that this underclass of coloured people was a minority in the United States, while in Ireland the excluded Catholics formed a majority. By 1829 Irish Catholics had largely achieved political equality with Protestants, while the American Negroes received political equality, by the standards of the time, in 1866. The independence of the Irish Parliament was ended in 1800 because it was realized that the ruling Protestant elite in Ireland would never give political equality to Catholics for precisely the same reasons that southern American States would never give political equality to Negroes. In an era when political corruption was rife the whites would have to bribe the blacks to get anything. Everyone knows what happened to the American Negroes after 1866 when the actual conditions for democratic participation was left to be determined by the individual states.

Ireland, like the United States, in the first half of the century was largely at peace. Though a great war raged around it, it was not invaded. Like the United States, its efforts were directed towards the arts of peace. Like the United States also its population grew rapidly. Though America had ultimately a safety valve in the great prairies to its west, and possessed abundant minerals, much of its development in the first half of the century was in the mountainous and forested states of the east. The population expanded up the mountains and into the forests, and, as in Ireland, gradually refluxed either into the great cities, or into the lands to the west. The difference was that in the United States this migration was within the country, while for the Irish the great cities and better lands were outside her borders. Like in Britain and the United States the use of machinery in the textile industry led to the development of metal working and machine building, linen being the textile in Ireland and cotton in the other two. In all three countries this led to the concentration of industry, but in Ireland only in the North East was process developed to its full extent.

Social and economic institutions were well-developed in Ireland in the early nineteenth century. It was not a primitive country, nor yet one where a native population was ground down by colonial oppressors. The people, Catholics and Protestants, regarded themselves as living in a free and democratic country. There might be more freedom and democracy in America, but they considered that what they had was more suitable for their country, and congratulated themselves on having escaped the excesses of the French Revolution. Very few after 1800 looked for a republic. There was a free press and letters to the editor were particularly illuminating. There were great political struggles between Catholics and Protestants, but these were very similar to those between Republicans and Democrats in the United States later in the century, violence and all. Catholics in the nationalist party in Ireland and Catholics in Tammany Hall in the United States came from the same families. It was not an anti-colonial war.

There were troubles and disturbances without doubt. Society was very unequal, and many rewards went to those already rich. But there was equality before the law and equality in business. Attempts were always made to remedy real grievances and numerous commissions of inquiry were appointed. Reliance was normally placed on the ordinary processes of the law. Extraordinary measures to deal with outbreaks of violence were limited as far as possible in their scope and their duration.

Though legislation regarding Ireland had to be passed in London, yet few other than Irish Members of Parliament took part in the voting, so Irish legislation was normally passed only by Irishmen. (When I speak of Irishmen I mean all those born in Ireland regardless of their religion. All sectarian attempts to depict Protestants as ‘invaders’, or ‘foreigners’, or ‘non-Irish’ or ‘British’ must be deplored.). The flow of legislation passed for the benefit of Ireland was unceasing.

Areas where there was marked improvement were in penal reform, the provision of hospitals, and asylums, the system of policing, the introduction of crown and police prosecution services to remove the onus from private individuals, the reform of parliamentary representation, the gradual extension of the franchise, a civil survey to make local finances more equitable, the amelioration of the system of tithes, the modernization of the government of towns and cities, the rationalization of the administration of the counties, the introduction of a comprehensive poor law, the adoption of a national system of support for education, the extension of the provision for university education, the ending of penal laws against religious minorities, the reform of the Established Church, the introduction of a system of protection for agriculture (corn laws) especially to benefit Ireland, and their removal when they ceased to be advantageous, the provision of roads in areas which could not afford their cost, the provision of vast sums of public money for canals and river navigations, the abolition of sinecure posts charged on the taxes, the efficient regulation of banking and savings societies, the ending of attempts to influence the press, the legal recognition of trade unions, the updating of the laws regarding marriage, the proper ordering of public records, and the promotion of serious empirical study of Ireland’s past history, the reorganization of the Board of Works which was to become the Government’s vehicle for local improvements, and so on.

The great event, and great mystery, was the Great Irish Famine. Why did it occur? Agriculture was prosperous, and exports were booming, great developments in railways and steamships were taking place. The possibility of such a famine caused by crop-failure had been foreseen for many years, and every effort had been made to be ready for it. A nationwide system of poor relief had just been completed. Corn Laws had been passed to develop Irish agriculture, and were so successful that they were no longer needed. But despite all the steps taken a major disaster occurred. One thing that emerges clearly from this book is that it was not the fault of the British Government.

If the reader finds that this book presents a favourable view of the Union of Ireland with Britain, there are two reasons for this. The first is that for the first fifty years the Union was highly beneficial to Ireland. The other is that those who opposed the Union did so either for highly suspect motives, or else were influenced by highly irrational notions of Romantic nationalism. That many Catholics sought independence in order to control the political rackets can hardly be doubted. That Catholic priests and bishops sought independence as a means of gaining political power for the clergy can hardly be doubted either. The insensate fury of Romantic nationalism was all too clearly demonstrated in the twentieth century, and it is still far from being a spent force.

This book had its origin when the author was glancing through an English translation of Adolf Hitler’s book Mein Kampf. He was so struck by Hitler’s account of German history before, during, and after the First World War that he went and bought the book. What amazed him was its resemblance to the version of Irish history that he had been taught in Irish schools. There was no question of either side borrowing directly from the other, but equally obviously both were drawing on a common set of ideas and used a common method of exposition.

Further study showed that both exposed a racist view of history and believed in the Darwinian struggle of the races. Both regarded their countries as subjected by alien races who destroyed the pure native culture. Both attributed every evil in their respective societies to these malign evil influences. Both saw that the alien races would have to be expelled from their countries so that their countries could again prosper when their native cultures were restored. Protestant landlords in Ireland had the same place in Irish racist propaganda and political mythology that the Jews had in Nazi political mythology. Most Irish boys of the author’s generation had, like Hitler, come across an inspiring teacher of history who inspired them to nationalism with his one-sided stories of Irish wrongs at the hands of the English.

Having realised that the standard version of Irish history was vitiated in its roots the problem arose as to how a version of Irish history could be written which was fair to all parties involved. Many excellent books and monographs on various parts of Irish history have been written, and he has drawn on them considerably in this book. It is noticeable that the further the subject of an historical study is from the present the easier it is to be objective, and the less controversy there is.

Some of the points examined and tested in this book are basic assumptions of racist propaganda, that separate races exist, that languages distinguish races, that each race has its own unique culture, and that foreign invasions necessarily destroy that unique culture. The author makes no claim to have done original research on any of the topics discussed in this book, but has drawn on the standard published works. He brings to the research a wide knowledge of the various subjects discussed which he has gathered over a lifetime.

As a result of his researches he came to several conclusions. Firstly, that there was no unique Irish or Celtic race, Celtic being merely a language that had spread into many parts of Europe including Ireland. There was only one race in Europe, that of the Palaeolithic hunters who spread over it in the wake of the retreating ice-sheets.

Celtic was a branch of the Indo-European languages which originated, apparently in southern Russia about 3000 BC. Gradually it broke into different dialects which further developed into distinct languages. But as late at 1500 BC Gaelic, Anglo-Saxon, and German were the same language. There was no evidence of invasions like those of Celtic warriors or any evidence that they wiped out the native population. As one author (Raftery) however remarked ruefully, it was regarded as virtually heresy to suggest that there never was a Celtic invasion.

The culture of Ireland was not unique. It was derived bit by bit from centres of origin abroad, often in the Middle East. Nor were the various bits introduced by conquering warrior races. Farming techniques seem to have been spread largely by copying. Techniques in metal-working by travelling families who kept their secrets among themselves. Borrowing was selective. The Celtic language is as likely to have been introduced by traders as by warriors. Some things like writing and building with stone seem to have been neglected until introduced later in differing circumstances.

There is no evidence that Ireland was a peaceful and prosperous land before the coming of ‘the invaders’. On the contrary, the evidence shows that the ruling families in Ireland were greedy, cruel and unscrupulous towards the weak whose lands they seized at every opportunity. In this the Irish rulers were no worse than their contemporaries were, but no better either.

Nor is there any evidence that the native chiefs devoted much effort to ridding Ireland of the invaders. On the contrary, they welcomed them for the assistance they could provide against domestic enemies.

The plan of the book is simple. Irish history from the time of the retreat of the ice-sheets and the populating of Ireland is divided up into the conventional periods, Neolithic Age, Bronze Age, Iron Age, Period of the Roman Empire, Christian Period, Viking Period and the Early Middle Ages when Western Europe was recovering from the so-call ‘Dark Ages’. Evidence from various sources referring to those periods is collected and compared with what was happening abroad. The spread of various cultural traits like agriculture, metal-working, language, and so on, are traced where possible to their points of origin. With regard to questions like the nature of religious observances at any given time, we can just try to establish what was done in comparable societies.

History properly so-called, namely facts based on written sources, can be said to have commenced in Ireland about the sixth century AD. Even as late as the twelfth century written accounts of events are scarce and usually one-sided. Still it is possible to construct a reasonable chronology, and get accounts of the major political events and social trends in many parts of Ireland.

As the author is by training a sociologist the greatest effort was made to get as broad a picture as possible of the whole of Irish society and the Irish economy and not merely military events. It must be admitted that the original scribes were principally interested in battles and warriors. During the whole of the historic period from the sixth century onwards there were innumerable wars, and raids, and attempted conquests between the ruling families in Ireland. As there were about a hundred of these at any one time, any attempt to describe them all would just present a scene of utter confusion; the view of the forest would disappear in the innumerable trees.

Some kind of simplification was required to try to give a picture of trends. An Irish historian would doubtless conclude correctly that the author was from Northern Ireland. However much of the early information we have comes from the northern and eastern parts of Ireland. (He might not however easily deduce that the author is an Irish Catholic.) The chronology is based on the succession of over-chiefs of Tara (formerly called ‘high kings’) for a complete and fairly reliable list of them, brief accounts of their families, and the chief events in their lives exist from about the middle of the fifth century. Tara was in eastern Ireland, but many of the chiefs were from northern Ireland.

As is usual in books such as this much reliance had to be placed on the evidence produced by the various writers who are specialists in the various periods. Yet the evidence they provide has to be carefully tested to see if traditional views can be sustained. It is unlikely that the cult of Saint Patrick will be disturbed when it is revealed that there is very little factual evidence about him other than what can be deduced from two brief pamphlets he himself wrote. Nor will celebrations on Saint Patrick’s Day be lessened when it is clear that there never was a ‘Celtic’ race, and that ‘Celtic’ warriors probably never came to Ireland.

This is not a book whose sole use for history books is to provide ammunition for use against political enemies. It is for those who are interested in facts. It is not the last word on the subject, but it is hoped that many will find it a useful and reliable starting point.

This book had its origin when the author was glancing through an English translation of Adolf Hitler’s book Mein Kampf. He was so struck by Hitler’s account of German history before, during, and after the First World War that he went and bought the book. What amazed him was its resemblance to the version of Irish history that he had been taught in Irish schools. There was no question of either side borrowing directly from the other, but equally obviously both were drawing on a common set of ideas and used a common method of exposition.

Further study showed that both exposed a racist view of history and believed in the Darwinian struggle of the races. Both regarded their countries as subjected by alien races who destroyed the pure native culture. Both attributed every evil in their respective societies to these malign evil influences. Both saw that the alien races would have to be expelled from their countries so that their countries could again prosper when their native cultures were restored. Protestant landlords in Ireland had the same place in Irish racist propaganda and political mythology that the Jews had in Nazi political mythology. Most Irish boys of the author’s generation had, like Hitler, come across an inspiring teacher of history who inspired them to nationalism with his one-sided stories of Irish wrongs at the hands of the English.

Having realised that the standard version of Irish history was vitiated in its roots the problem arose as to how a version of Irish history could be written which was fair to all parties involved. Many excellent books and monographs on various parts of Irish history have been written, and he has drawn on them considerably in this book. It is noticeable that the further the subject of an historical study is from the present the easier it is to be objective, and the less controversy there is.

Some of the points examined and tested in this book are basic assumptions of racist propaganda, that separate races exist, that languages distinguish races, that each race has its own unique culture, and that foreign invasions necessarily destroy that unique culture. The author makes no claim to have done original research on any of the topics discussed in this book, but has drawn on the standard published works. He brings to the research a wide knowledge of the various subjects discussed which he has gathered over a lifetime.

As a result of his researches he came to several conclusions. Firstly, that there was no unique Irish or Celtic race, Celtic being merely a language that had spread into many parts of Europe including Ireland. There was only one race in Europe, that of the Palaeolithic hunters who spread over it in the wake of the retreating ice-sheets.

Celtic was a branch of the Indo-European languages which originated, apparently in southern Russia about 3000 BC. Gradually it broke into different dialects which further developed into distinct languages. But as late at 1500 BC Gaelic, Anglo-Saxon, and German were the same language. There was no evidence of invasions like those of Celtic warriors or any evidence that they wiped out the native population. As one author (Raftery) however remarked ruefully, it was regarded as virtually heresy to suggest that there never was a Celtic invasion.

The culture of Ireland was not unique. It was derived bit by bit from centres of origin abroad, often in the Middle East. Nor were the various bits introduced by conquering warrior races. Farming techniques seem to have been spread largely by copying. Techniques in metal-working by travelling families who kept their secrets among themselves. Borrowing was selective. The Celtic language is as likely to have been introduced by traders as by warriors. Some things like writing and building with stone seem to have been neglected until introduced later in differing circumstances.

There is no evidence that Ireland was a peaceful and prosperous land before the coming of ‘the invaders’. On the contrary, the evidence shows that the ruling families in Ireland were greedy, cruel and unscrupulous towards the weak whose lands they seized at every opportunity. In this the Irish rulers were no worse than their contemporaries were, but no better either.

Nor is there any evidence that the native chiefs devoted much effort to ridding Ireland of the invaders. On the contrary, they welcomed them for the assistance they could provide against domestic enemies.

The plan of the book is simple. Irish history from the time of the retreat of the ice-sheets and the populating of Ireland is divided up into the conventional periods, Neolithic Age, Bronze Age, Iron Age, Period of the Roman Empire, Christian Period, Viking Period and the Early Middle Ages when Western Europe was recovering from the so-call ‘Dark Ages’. Evidence from various sources referring to those periods is collected and compared with what was happening abroad. The spread of various cultural traits like agriculture, metal-working, language, and so on, are traced where possible to their points of origin. With regard to questions like the nature of religious observances at any given time, we can just try to establish what was done in comparable societies.

History properly so-called, namely facts based on written sources, can be said to have commenced in Ireland about the sixth century AD. Even as late as the twelfth century written accounts of events are scarce and usually one-sided. Still it is possible to construct a reasonable chronology, and get accounts of the major political events and social trends in many parts of Ireland.

As the author is by training a sociologist the greatest effort was made to get as broad a picture as possible of the whole of Irish society and the Irish economy and not merely military events. It must be admitted that the original scribes were principally interested in battles and warriors. During the whole of the historic period from the sixth century onwards there were innumerable wars, and raids, and attempted conquests between the ruling families in Ireland. As there were about a hundred of these at any one time, any attempt to describe them all would just present a scene of utter confusion; the view of the forest would disappear in the innumerable trees.

Some kind of simplification was required to try to give a picture of trends. An Irish historian would doubtless conclude correctly that the author was from Northern Ireland. However much of the early information we have comes from the northern and eastern parts of Ireland. (He might not however easily deduce that the author is an Irish Catholic.) The chronology is based on the succession of over-chiefs of Tara (formerly called ‘high kings’) for a complete and fairly reliable list of them, brief accounts of their families, and the chief events in their lives exist from about the middle of the fifth century. Tara was in eastern Ireland, but many of the chiefs were from northern Ireland.

As is usual in books such as this much reliance had to be placed on the evidence produced by the various writers who are specialists in the various periods. Yet the evidence they provide has to be carefully tested to see if traditional views can be sustained. It is unlikely that the cult of Saint Patrick will be disturbed when it is revealed that there is very little factual evidence about him other than what can be deduced from two brief pamphlets he himself wrote. Nor will celebrations on Saint Patrick’s Day be lessened when it is clear that there never was a ‘Celtic’ race, and that ‘Celtic’ warriors probably never came to Ireland.

This is not a book whose sole use for history books is to provide ammunition for use against political enemies. It is for those who are interested in facts. It is not the last word on the subject, but it is hoped that many will find it a useful and reliable starting point.

Irish society and economy is studied objectively in this book as if it were a society in a distant region or in the distant past. The distortions of nationalist anti-British propaganda are removed. In particular the failure of the various separatist movements to devise an ideology which could unite and rally all the people of Ireland behind them is described. Ireland is analysed as a sociologist analyses societies and using the materials that a sociologist uses. Irish society is placed in the context of its time and place. It was one of the societies on either side of the North Atlantic Ocean. These countries were all to a greater or lesser degree developing their industries, improving their roads, building their railways, extending their trade, enlarging their towns and cities, deepening and expanding their ports, and modernising their institutions. Though religion was strong in all of them, new currents of thought, often derived from the American and French Revolutions, were being spread everywhere. It was largely an English-speaking society and its institutions were those of common law countries. As this study shows Ireland was a typical member of this group of nations. It was not the most advanced, but it was far from being the most backward. Some of the Nordic countries for example, were only beginning to follow Ireland’s path of development. There is no evidence that membership of the United Kingdom hindered or retarded this development. The Irish however being closely linked to England always compared their progress with that of England which was a mistake. The 19th century was England’s century, as the 15th century was Italy’s. What caused the ‘Industrial Revolution’ where handcrafts gave way to the production by machinery to occur earlier in England than elsewhere is a subject that fascinates historians. How England came to possess the largest empire in modern times is another fascinating question. Why English institutions, a free press, a parliamentary democracy, religious tolerance, methods of education, and most modern sports came to be imitated is another one. The fact was that in the 19th century great parts of the world looked to Britain to see how they could modernise their societies and improve their economies. Ireland did likewise, and from an earlier date but never so successfully. Why Ireland was not as successful as Britain is not easily explained. Lack of coal and iron is not the explanation for some of Ireland’s leading industries like linen, shipbuilding, rope-making and tobacco manufacture were developed from imported materials. Likewise in England, industries which depended largely on craftsmanship like the pottery industry flourished. Nor was Ireland’s backwardness relative to England caused by oppressive law or restrictions for within the United Kingdom all operated under the same rules. Nor can the Catholic religion of Ireland be adduced as a cause, for most Irish businessmen were Protestants. It is not the purpose of this book to ask or settle these questions, but the simpler one of describing the facts of Irish society as it was, and to remove the distortions of propaganda. When one studies the actual facts it becomes clear that not only was Ireland neither oppressed nor backward but was actually one of the most advanced countries in the world at the time as progress was understood in the 19th century. Ireland by 1850 was already a well-developed modern society, more advanced than most countries in Europe. The period up to 1920 was one of increasing prosperity, and increasing social improvement. Every new development in the various aspects of society, industry, agriculture, communications, science and education, social improvements were all adopted. In this book I concentrate on the achievements that Irishmen can be proud of. One can look at Irish industrial achievements. Belfast showed how ships on the North Atlantic run should be built and fitted out. The greatest linen industry in the world was built up. Two of the greatest developments in the modern world, the pneumatic tyre, and the three-point linkage for farm machinery were invented by Ulstermen. The theatre in Ireland had been mediocre and derivative, but was developed into one of the great theatres of the world. Several Irishmen won the Nobel Prize for literature. Aspects of Irish life like the armed forces which were neglected in earlier works are given their proper place. The Irish contribution towards the allied effort in the First World War was remarkable, but until recently it was brushed aside. In some areas Irishmen did not do as well as might have been expected. Agriculture was being steadily developed, but Ireland was falling behind countries like Denmark and the United States. In the Co-operative Movement Ireland was one of the world leaders, and its organ, The Irish Homestead, was widely read and studied abroad. There are two main themes in this period of Irish history. The first is the growth of Ireland into a modern industrial society. The other is the struggle of the Catholic middle classes to wrest control of Ireland, specifically the corruption and racketeering, from the Protestants. The propaganda picture of an impoverished and down-trodden Catholic peasantry crushed by an alien state is shown to be false. There was no genuine foreign oppressor and consequently no struggle for freedom from oppression. But for those Catholics who wished to seize political power and control of the rackets from the Protestants it was necessary to present a totally false picture to the world, and especially to their American backers. Adolf Hitler had an identical false propaganda against Jews, Negroes, and foreigners. At the same time the rosy-tinted picture of brave disinterested young men going out to fight for Ireland’s freedom from a foreign oppressor is shown to be equally false. Neither their objectives, namely to control the rackets, nor their methods namely terrorism are things that Irish people can be proud of. Nor is the undiscriminating support given by Americans to the terrorists anything that America can be proud of either. After Nine-Eleven Americans now recognise terror campaigns for what they are. Ireland did well out of its association with Britain in the United Kingdom. Separatists claimed that it would do better in many ways as a separate kingdom or republic. But they never succeeded in finding or devising an idea, an ideology, or a totem behind which the whole of Ireland could unite. Norway at the same time found such a distinctive idea of what it was to be Norse that the vast bulk of the people adopted it and demanded separation from Sweden. Many separatists argued that there were many features in Ireland which could unite Protestants and Catholics in the whole island. But ultimately the view that the Protestants were the enemy or associated with the enemy triumphed. This had as an inevitable conclusion that they would have to be compelled by force of arms directed against them to join a separate Irish state. Protestants realised that their role in an independent Ireland was to be fleeced, and their religion subordinated to the interests of the Church of Rome. There is another reason for studying the social institutions of Ireland. Ireland was a Common Law country like England. So too were Scotland, the United States, and the great Dominions in the British Commonwealth. Their institutions had a common origin in England, but all developed differently. Ireland was the one which most resembled England, but over the centuries differences had crept in. Laws enacted in England did not apply to Ireland so the Irish Parliament, when it existed, periodically up-dated its own legislation and selected what was most suitable for Ireland from British enactments. It proved necessary, after the Parliaments were united to continue to pass separate legislation for Ireland. One therefore, when studying Irish history, should not assume that the institutions were the exact same as those in England. For example, in England the governing body in a county was the bench of magistrates while in Ireland it was the grand jury, and in the United States directly elected commissioners. The executive officer was the sheriff, whose role was similar to that of sheriffs in Scotland and the United States but in England his role was much reduced. In the United States the principal county officers were also directly elected. This book had its origin when the author was glancing through an English translation of Adolf Hitler’s book Mein Kampf. He was so struck by Hitler’s account of German history before, during, and after the First World War that he went and bought the book. What amazed him was its resemblance to the version of Irish history that he had been taught in Irish schools. There was no question of either side borrowing directly from the other, but equally obviously both were drawing on a common set of ideas and used a common method of exposition.

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Dick Peterson has written this book about the Eisenhower Fellows, and for the Fellows. He has chosen to focus on two very visible examples of the Fellows’ leadership and networking – the Irish Peace Process and ProyectoCities. As an active EF Trustee since 1994, Dick has become convinced that these models can be adapted and applied by Fellows around the world in ways that will make a real difference in their communities and regions. He is absolutely right. I am confident that his two case studies will serve as inspiration to many other groups of Eisenhower Fellows who are already working together to make a difference.

Adrian A. Basora

Adrian Basora is President of the Eisenhower Fellowships. He is a former U.S. Ambassador to the Czech Republic. Adrian was Ambassador to Czeckslovakia at the time of the Velvet Revolution which created a separate Slovakia from the Czech Republic.

Dick Peterson has splendidly combined his experience as a CEO, his command of organizational development, and affection for Eisenhower Fellowships. The result is a fertile study of two of the most important team projects among Fellows, of which many more are latent around the world.

Theodore Friend

Theodore Friend, former President of Swarthmore College, and President Emeritus of Eisenhower Fellowships, was awarded the Bancroft Prize for his book on Philippine-American history, Between Two Empires. His other books include The Blue-Eyed Enemy and Family Laundry, a novel. Dr. Friend is presently a Senior Fellow at the Foreign Policy Research Institute in Philadelphia. His latest book, Indonesian Destinies (Harvard University Press, 2003) penetrates events that gave birth to the world’s fourth largest nation and assesses the continuing dangers that threaten its security.