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This book is the culmination of over 40 years of research about a very fascinating individual who had a tremendous impact on the history of 19th Century Brazil, Luiz Alves de Lima e Silva, the Duke of Caxias.

Brazilian history is replete with attempts to capture the historical significance of the Duke of Caxias. The following is a list of some of the titles given to Caxias in an attempt to capture his historical importance:

The Never Defeated General
The Sustainer of Order
The Iron Duke
The Tertillary of the Republic
The major military figure of Latin America
Counselor of the State
The Pacifier of the Army
The Shield of Legality
The Bandeirante of the Public Cause
The Great Tranquil Hero
The Admirable Warrior of the Empire
The Restorer of Catholicism
The Controller of Catastrophes
The Greatest Figure in Brazilian History
Champion of National Honor

The bottom line for any attempt to do historical justice to Caxias may be the opinion of Ovsaldo Orico when he wrote "To tell the story of the life of Caxias is a work of a lifetime."1

As a military leader, it was claimed that he was never defeated. He brought with him political clear sightedness, the gift of administration and the capacity for conciliation. The same circumstances that saw the surge of the Brazilian state become head of the Portuguese Empire provided national political independence. The implied political struggle provided conditions for Caxias to test his military calling.

1.Osvaldo Orico, O Condestável do Império (Porto Alegre: Ediçãoda Livraria do Globo, 1933), 7.

This book is the culmination of over 40 years of research about a very fascinating individual who had a tremendous impact on the history of 19th Century Brazil, Luiz Alves de Lima e Silva, the Duke of Caxias.

Brazilian history is replete with attempts to capture the historical significance of the Duke of Caxias. The following is a list of some of the titles given to Caxias in an attempt to capture his historical importance:

The Never Defeated General
The Sustainer of Order
The Iron Duke
The Tertillary of the Republic
The major military figure of Latin America
Counselor of the State
The Pacifier of the Army
The Shield of Legality
The Bandeirante of the Public Cause
The Great Tranquil Hero
The Admirable Warrior of the Empire
The Restorer of Catholicism
The Controller of Catastrophes
The Greatest Figure in Brazilian History
Champion of National Honor

The bottom line for any attempt to do historical justice to Caxias may be the opinion of Ovsaldo Orico when he wrote "To tell the story of the life of Caxias is a work of a lifetime."1

As a military leader, it was claimed that he was never defeated. He brought with him political clear sightedness, the gift of administration and the capacity for conciliation. The same circumstances that saw the surge of the Brazilian state become head of the Portuguese Empire provided national political independence. The implied political struggle provided conditions for Caxias to test his military calling.

1.Osvaldo Orico, O Condestável do Império (Porto Alegre: Ediçãoda Livraria do Globo, 1933), 7.

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Venezuelan Insurgency, 1960-1968: A Successful Failure examines and analyzes the Venezuelan Extreme Left and its activities from the first serious uprising against the government of Venezuelan President Rómulo Betancourt in April 1960 through the Venezuelan national elections of December 1968. As background, an examination of Venezuelan politics begins with the 1899 introduction to power by President Cipriano Castro in order to provide a framework to the development of the political environment from which the prominent insurgency and government leaders emerged. In addition, a summary examination of contemporary global insurgency and terrorism introduces the specific examination of the Venezuelan Extreme Left and the reasons why it viewed guerrilla warfare and urban terrorism as the paths necessary to achieve its goals. The work also undertakes an assessment of the Venezuelan peasantry in order to shed light on the reasons that, in general, they remained loyal to the Venezuelan government rather than support the Left. Finally, the present work presents some conclusions concerning the political impact of the insurgency movement on the Venezuelan democratic process.

Venezuelan Insurgency, 1960-1968: A Successful Failure examines and analyzes the Venezuelan Extreme Left and its activities from the first serious uprising against the government of Venezuelan President Rómulo Betancourt in April 1960 through the Venezuelan national elections of December 1968. As background, an examination of Venezuelan politics begins with the 1899 introduction to power by President Cipriano Castro in order to provide a framework to the development of the political environment from which the prominent insurgency and government leaders emerged. In addition, a summary examination of contemporary global insurgency and terrorism introduces the specific examination of the Venezuelan Extreme Left and the reasons why it viewed guerrilla warfare and urban terrorism as the paths necessary to achieve its goals. The work also undertakes an assessment of the Venezuelan peasantry in order to shed light on the reasons that, in general, they remained loyal to the Venezuelan government rather than support the Left. Finally, the present work presents some conclusions concerning the political impact of the insurgency movement on the Venezuelan democratic process.

Hebe’s Story, through the translated words of Hebe de Bonafini, traces the impact of the Dirty War in Argentina on an organization of the mothers of the 30,000 “disappeared”. By the downfall of the dictatorship in 1983, these women were symbols of non-violent political action and an inspiration for women’s peaceful protest groups around the world.

But the story of the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo does not neatly end there; it continues as the Mothers evolved in new and surprising, even shocking, ways. The image of the Mothers movement as a model of peaceful protest now needs to be reconsidered.

Hebe’s Story, through the translated words of Hebe de Bonafini, traces the impact of the Dirty War in Argentina on an organization of the mothers of the 30,000 “disappeared”. By the downfall of the dictatorship in 1983, these women were symbols of non-violent political action and an inspiration for women’s peaceful protest groups around the world.

But the story of the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo does not neatly end there; it continues as the Mothers evolved in new and surprising, even shocking, ways. The image of the Mothers movement as a model of peaceful protest now needs to be reconsidered.

Venezuelan Insurgency, 1960-1968: A Successful Failure examines and analyzes the Venezuelan Extreme Left and its activities from the first serious uprising against the government of Venezuelan President Rómulo Betancourt in April 1960 through the Venezuelan national elections of December 1968. As background, an examination of Venezuelan politics begins with the 1899 introduction to power by President Cipriano Castro in order to provide a framework to the development of the political environment from which the prominent insurgency and government leaders emerged. In addition, a summary examination of contemporary global insurgency and terrorism introduces the specific examination of the Venezuelan Extreme Left and the reasons why it viewed guerrilla warfare and urban terrorism as the paths necessary to achieve its goals. The work also undertakes an assessment of the Venezuelan peasantry in order to shed light on the reasons that, in general, they remained loyal to the Venezuelan government rather than support the Left. Finally, the present work presents some conclusions concerning the political impact of the insurgency movement on the Venezuelan democratic process.

The first step to writing a historical narrative is to understand the current state of knowledge of a given subject as it has been developed by other historians. From this understanding, one must then develop a methodology from which further research can be conducted to fill gaps and resolve inconsistencies within the existing body of knowledge. The present author began to develop a historical account of the 1979 Sandinista Revolution in Nicaragua and its development in the following decade. In that study, it became clear that great discrepancies and inconsistencies existed in the record of historical analysis including many large contradictory conclusions. Many such discrepancies were resolved in the author’s prior research but it became clear that a systematic approach to quantitatively analyze the source of these contradictions was needed. In the present research, the author has developed both a theoretical framework for understanding the source of these contradictions and quantitative methods of content analysis to examine the numerous analytical works written by North American authors about the Sandinistas throughout the 1980s. Using this framework and results of content analysis, linear studies along specific topic lines examine specific dynamic variables of Nicaraguan history in relation to the revolution, beginning a process toward the development of a more consistent history.

The first step to writing a historical narrative is to understand the current state of knowledge of a given subject as it has been developed by other historians. From this understanding, one must then develop a methodology from which further research can be conducted to fill gaps and resolve inconsistencies within the existing body of knowledge. The present author began to develop a historical account of the 1979 Sandinista Revolution in Nicaragua and its development in the following decade. In that study, it became clear that great discrepancies and inconsistencies existed in the record of historical analysis including many large contradictory conclusions. Many such discrepancies were resolved in the author’s prior research but it became clear that a systematic approach to quantitatively analyze the source of these contradictions was needed. In the present research, the author has developed both a theoretical framework for understanding the source of these contradictions and quantitative methods of content analysis to examine the numerous analytical works written by North American authors about the Sandinistas throughout the 1980s. Using this framework and results of content analysis, linear studies along specific topic lines examine specific dynamic variables of Nicaraguan history in relation to the revolution, beginning a process toward the development of a more consistent history.

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No Description Available.