Author's Address: 3306 Shannon Road ALBANY Georgia 31721 USA

For more information, please visit www.Elufiede.com

You May also purchase the book at Amazon.com and Barnes and Noble.

Author's Address: 3306 Shannon Road ALBANY Georgia 31721 USA

For more information, please visit www.Elufiede.com

You May also purchase the book at Amazon.com and Barnes and Noble.

Author's Address: 3306 Shannon Road ALBANY Georgia 31721 USA

For more information, please visit www.Elufiede.com

You May also purchase the book at Amazon.com and Barnes and Noble.

Globalization is in crisis. In Justice at Work: Globalization and the Human Rights of Workers, I explain why that’s so—-and why the Obama administration and the corporate world must take the lead in tailoring globalization to the needs of the 21st century.

The essential requirement of that reform is that it recognize the human rights of workers everywhere. The flagrant failure to do so is to a great measure responsible for the present global economic crisis, which is escalating into a political crisis.

Justice at Work: Globalization and the Human Rights of Workers examines in detail, and from various perspectives, how globalization in its present form protects the rights of business people and business organizations, to the exclusion of the rights of workers and their organizations.

Justice at Workis not a diatribe against globalization or a paean to it. Globalization has a vast but largely untapped potential to improve the lives of all, I contend, but turning that potential into requires requires governments, including the new Obama administration, to act wisely and decisively to make the world trading and investment system fit the needs of the 21st century.

The small group of Americans and British who designed the trade and investment system after World War II did so in order to fill an institutional and legal void in the international marketplace. But they did so very partially, in two senses of the word: partial as in incomplete and also partial as in favoring one group over others.

They did meet the key demands of one important group—-the international corporations, banks, law offices, and allied firms headquartered in the United States, Western Europe, and Japan, as well as the business people involved in the surge in transnational commerce. But the architects of that new system ignored a group essential to global production—-the men, women, and children in the international labor market.

Partiality persists. In fact, it has hardened into a template that is outmoded, inadequate for the 21st century. The rules and structure of the global trade and investment system remain unequipped to promote and defend worker rights and interests as needed in the new global economy.

I argue that it is now up to the United States government, as the chief architect of the present trade system, to take the lead in modernizing it for the 21st century world. I explain that argument in different ways in chapter after and chapter, each supported by specific evidence, such as the failure to end the gross exploitation of women and children in Bangladesh´s globalized garment industry, which exports dresses, shirts, pyjamas, and other clothes to the United States.

During the 17 years that I have worked on this book, I drafted much of it in the form of articles on my own Website, Human Rights for Workers, and articles published in various magazines, including America, American Educator, Commonweal, Dissent, Far Eastern Economic Review, Foreign Affairs, Monthly Labor Review, and U.S. Catholic.

In updated selections from those articles, supplemented by new writings of mine, the book tracks the emergence and growth of three parallel human rights movements-—against sweatshops, for corporate social responsibility, and for fair trade—-and assesses their achievements (and lack thereof). I lace that story with personal comments and information designed to blend the book’s various ideas into a readable whole.

To quote book’s final sentence, “I hope that Justice at Work will stimulate the thinking of readers, and advance their efforts, to make sure that globalization serves people, rather than the other way around.”

See my Weblog, humanrightsforworkers.blogspot.com for reporting new developments on issues covered in the book.

Globalization is in crisis. In Justice at Work: Globalization and the Human Rights of Workers, I explain why that’s so—-and why the Obama administration and the corporate world must take the lead in tailoring globalization to the needs of the 21st century.

The essential requirement of that reform is that it recognize the human rights of workers everywhere. The flagrant failure to do so is to a great measure responsible for the present global economic crisis, which is escalating into a political crisis.

Justice at Work: Globalization and the Human Rights of Workers examines in detail, and from various perspectives, how globalization in its present form protects the rights of business people and business organizations, to the exclusion of the rights of workers and their organizations.

Justice at Workis not a diatribe against globalization or a paean to it. Globalization has a vast but largely untapped potential to improve the lives of all, I contend, but turning that potential into requires requires governments, including the new Obama administration, to act wisely and decisively to make the world trading and investment system fit the needs of the 21st century.

The small group of Americans and British who designed the trade and investment system after World War II did so in order to fill an institutional and legal void in the international marketplace. But they did so very partially, in two senses of the word: partial as in incomplete and also partial as in favoring one group over others.

They did meet the key demands of one important group—-the international corporations, banks, law offices, and allied firms headquartered in the United States, Western Europe, and Japan, as well as the business people involved in the surge in transnational commerce. But the architects of that new system ignored a group essential to global production—-the men, women, and children in the international labor market.

Partiality persists. In fact, it has hardened into a template that is outmoded, inadequate for the 21st century. The rules and structure of the global trade and investment system remain unequipped to promote and defend worker rights and interests as needed in the new global economy.

I argue that it is now up to the United States government, as the chief architect of the present trade system, to take the lead in modernizing it for the 21st century world. I explain that argument in different ways in chapter after and chapter, each supported by specific evidence, such as the failure to end the gross exploitation of women and children in Bangladesh´s globalized garment industry, which exports dresses, shirts, pyjamas, and other clothes to the United States.

During the 17 years that I have worked on this book, I drafted much of it in the form of articles on my own Website, Human Rights for Workers, and articles published in various magazines, including America, American Educator, Commonweal, Dissent, Far Eastern Economic Review, Foreign Affairs, Monthly Labor Review, and U.S. Catholic.

In updated selections from those articles, supplemented by new writings of mine, the book tracks the emergence and growth of three parallel human rights movements-—against sweatshops, for corporate social responsibility, and for fair trade—-and assesses their achievements (and lack thereof). I lace that story with personal comments and information designed to blend the book’s various ideas into a readable whole.

To quote book’s final sentence, “I hope that Justice at Work will stimulate the thinking of readers, and advance their efforts, to make sure that globalization serves people, rather than the other way around.”

See my Weblog, humanrightsforworkers.blogspot.com for reporting new developments on issues covered in the book.

No solution to the crisis of American race relations is viable without taking into account labor matters. Labor Matters--African American Labor Crisis, 1861-2010 presents a sobering historical analysis of race and employment relations in the United States through thirteen unique essays-- including scholarly articles, speeches, a biographical essay, and law review notes. In this book, we learn that American labor and employment laws were, from 1861 to about 1940, intentionally designed to preserve the effects of American slavery on African American workers; that these laws were revamped after World War II in response to the Civil Rights Movements of the 1940s, 50s and 60s; but since the 1970s, these laws have been misapplied to the detriment of the African American community. The reasons covered are multifaceted; the problems dealt with are spiritual and cultural; and the underlying solutions appear to be fundamentally economic. Attorney Roderick O. Ford has completed a masterful work.

No solution to the crisis of American race relations is viable without taking into account labor matters. Labor Matters--African American Labor Crisis, 1861-2010 presents a sobering historical analysis of race and employment relations in the United States through thirteen unique essays-- including scholarly articles, speeches, a biographical essay, and law review notes. In this book, we learn that American labor and employment laws were, from 1861 to about 1940, intentionally designed to preserve the effects of American slavery on African American workers; that these laws were revamped after World War II in response to the Civil Rights Movements of the 1940s, 50s and 60s; but since the 1970s, these laws have been misapplied to the detriment of the African American community. The reasons covered are multifaceted; the problems dealt with are spiritual and cultural; and the underlying solutions appear to be fundamentally economic. Attorney Roderick O. Ford has completed a masterful work.

WHEN ALL ELSE FAILS VOLUNTARILY and contravening the GOVERNOR of California ORDERS (to protect workers) the only way for these USA Company history workers (possible under threats and violating their civil rights) was to confront the Company “CLICK MEMBERS” OUT OF CONTROL. The writer believes about that this confrontation happened for special circumstances such as the Company Moving to China and Tijuana, Mexico. If the workers never confronted the dangerous “click members” (he also thinks there is no difference between a street gun member and some click members) then the workers had nothing to lose (their jobs). The workers have been quiet for many years (even decades) why? Because they understood the way the “click members” have been working with benefits only for some employees (possible click members) without equal opportunities everybody working for the Company. Unfortunately the people sat on elegant chairs in front their desks preferred to dismiss the workers complaints (calling 911) than to help them with the “Click Members” Company, they felt untouchables, more dangerous incrementing harassment, mistreats and possible punishments (equal to violence) against some workers only including himself, that’s why, he decided to share with any one worker from any country the way how he tried to defended himself from an unfair situation from May 2001 until December 2004, with the “click members” abusing their authority (power). This first book letters, memorandums and complaints (grievances) with the Company Management, Union, Government Agencies and finally our Governor of California, listen his partners and throughout them himself, unfortunately some Government people agencies made their own rules. Disobeying our Governor, orders for help workers and decided to support the “click members” violence against Company workers.